RT2: Regime Theory

Room F202
Chair: Keiichi SATOH (Department of Social Sciences, Graduate School of Hitotsubashi University)

1) Saki KUDO (Tohoku University)
“Cross-national Research on Inequality of Educational and Social Economic Status Attainment”
2) Yusuke KIDA (Daido University)
“Power and the City in the Era of Neoliberalism: Political Regime and New “Reform Politics” in a Japanese City”
3) Shoki OKUBO (Graduate School of Human Sciences, Osaka University)
“Revisiting Path Dependence in Welfare States: Evidence from OECD Countries”
4) Kristina EMANUILOVA (Department of Sociology, Graduate School of Sociology, Yonsei University)
“The ‘Invisible’ Hand in Your Pocket: Creating a Capitalistic Market in Post-Communist Bulgaria”
5) Keiichi SATOH and Uichi TAN (Department of Social Sciences, Graduate School of Hitotsubashi University)
“Culture and Integration in Taiwan and Japan: Pathways toward the Risk Sensitive State in the Post Industrial Society”

1)
Cross-national Research on Inequality of Educational and Social Economic Status Attainment
Saki KUDO
(Tohoku University)

[abstract]
“Inequality” has long been one of the main topics of sociology. Many researchers have argued that school systems related with vocational education, especially age of tracking and ratio of vocational school, are the important factors to consider the extends of inequality. The international studies indicate that the systems of vocational education moderate inequality such as decreasing educational opportunity and increasing job opportunity. Also, it is said that welfare system contributes social stratification. Some studies show that “social-democratic” countries, Nordic-countries, have the smallest inequality than other countries. There has been no study to consider those factors at the same time, so this paper studies “inequality” considering “school system” and “social welfare system” simultaneously.
I analyze how educational system and social welfare system moderate inequality of educational and social economic status attainments, using the ISSP-data in 2009. Educational system, age of tracking, has effect just on educational attainment. The later age of tracking is, the weaker the inequality of education is. There is almost no effect on attainment of social economic status. On the other hand, Welfare system, classified by Esping-Andersen (1990), indicates that “socio-democratic” countries have more equal for both opportunities than “corporatism” countries, which include Japan. Welfare system effect is stronger than educational system effect when I examine them at the same time.
In conclusion, welfare system is the main moderator of inequalities on educational and social economic status attainments. Comparing Japan with social-democratic countries, there are two big differences. One is work situation of women and another is the inequality between full-time and part-time job. Finally, I discuss the political implications of this study. First, we should support women’s job circumstances to arrange higher quality of welfare, and the second, we need to reduce gap between full-time and part-time workers.

2)
“Power and the City in the Era of Neoliberalism: Political Regime and New “Reform Politics” in a Japanese City”
Yusuke KIDA
(Daido University)

[abstract]
“Power in the city” is an important theme for both sociologists and political scientists. In recent years, Western scholars argue “neoliberalization” of urban politics from critical perspectives, but we don’t know sufficiently how cities in East Asian countries such as Japan experience the “neoliberalization” of urban politics. This case study argues the “neoliberalization” of a Japanese city on urban regime theory (Stone 1989), emphasizing the perspective of local power analysis in traditional political sociology.
The target of the case study is Nagoya, which is the central city of Chukyo region. Until the 1970’s the most important issue in Nagoya had been the choice of policy, whether developmental (right-wing) or welfare-oriented (left-wing). However, political cleavage between the right and left has disappeared since the early 1980’s. This political shift made two subsystems in Nagoya’s urban regime: (1) the developmental system on neo-corporatist consensus led by its business community and (2) the distributive system on clientelist bargaining led by its city council.
The regime characterized by these systems has been declining since the late 1990′s. The efficiency of city hall has become a main issue in the context of fiscal crisis. Former mayor Matsubara carried out the reform of public administration in the 2000’s. Although this reform was promoted without the alienation of the city council, the reform broke the distributive system through reducing of resources for bargaining. The collapse of the distributive system accelerated when mayor Kawamura took office in 2009. His political style is radical and populist. Today the regime doesn’t work anymore for securing the loyalty of voters, and the collapse of the system has allowed voter support to be fluid.
Local political regimes in Japanese cities formerly had promised to booster economic growth and distribute the fruits of the growth. However, the regimes are drastically restructuring today.

3)
“Revisiting Path Dependence in Welfare States: Evidence from OECD Countries”
Shoki OKUBO
(Graduate School of Human Sciences, Osaka University)

[abstract]
This paper explores the determinants of the size of the welfare state, especially focusing on path-dependence. The size of the welfare state has attracted much scholarly attention. Numerous scholars have considered big government a product of leftist rule and an expression of a stronger representation. Although the size and diversity of the welfare state has become one of the most important social policy differences between welfare state regimes, the formation of the welfare state’s path-dependence factor has not been widely explored. This paper focuses on “path-dependent-lock-in” effects that arise from enforcing the act on social security, and analyses how and to what degree “path-dependent-lock-in” affect the size of the welfare state. It analyses the OECD cross-sectional longitudinal data using regression models that account for the endogeneity of path-dependent formation.

4)
“The ‘Invisible’ Hand in Your Pocket: Creating a Capitalistic Market in Post-Communist Bulgaria”
Kristina EMANUILOVA
(Department of Sociology, Graduate School of Sociology, Yonsei University)

[abstract]
In the period from 1996-1998, a number of transition countries in Eastern Europe experienced serious economic difficulties related to the fragility of the process of economic transformation and the development of market society. In the case of Bulgaria, its economic life has been characterized by a devastating financial turmoil which ruined the country’s banking system and left its public finances bankrupt. With the present paper I attempt to address and analyze the underpinning factors that led to the development and the occurrence of this phenomenon in post-communist Bulgaria by shedding new light on the problematic transition and extending my arguments to the field of economic sociology. Using a politico-cultural approach, I examine the link between the role of legislators within a newly democratizing nation-state and the development of market society in a post-socialist country.This study shows the role of the state for creating the institutional infrastructure of the market through lawful enactments. Legislation is not a naturally occurring action, but a product of human decision making, from which follows that the construction of markets is not only purely economic, but also social, since the interests of different groups must be taken into consideration. Highlighting transition specific factors, I shall give answers to the following questions: (1) How was the financial market created and (2) What led to the collapse of this market in 1996-1997?

5)
“Culture and Integration in Taiwan and Japan: Pathways toward the Risk Sensitive State in the Post Industrial Society”
Keiichi SATOH and Uichi TAN
Department of Social Sciences, Graduate School of Hitotsubashi University

[abstract]
Contemporary societies are facing various types of risk such as climate change and nuclear power plant accident, which are understand as downside of the economic growth and progress of the technology. Societies, especially those which already have achieved the economic prosperity. inevitably need to build an alternative societal model that deal with risks, simultaneously pursing the happiness. Among various systems in the society, political system plays one of the leading role to tackle these problems through making a common role in the society.
Whereas theoretically in the democratic country, state is expected to react to the change of the societal condition, it is quite often that state does not integrate society well due to the fact that the power structure designed for achieving economic growth remained in the age of the post-industrial society. As such, state cannot sensitively react potential risk in the society. In order to turnovers the old power structure, network among the citizens is often supposed as an alternative force in the general tendency of individualization and organizational decline in the advanced capital society.
Japan, however, have a difficulty to fit this model. Whereas network model was created in European society where transitivity works as a driving force of relationship building, it does not properly work in Japan where vertical relationship is one of dominant form of relationship as Chie Nakane put it. Being lacking of the condition of the transitivity, the problem is how to imagine the other form of state-society integration.
In this presentation we will show how current Japanese policy system works based on the case study of climate change politics and energy politics based in the field work and survey, comparing Taiwan politics. We will discuss then the commonality and difference of the form of political integration in these two East Asian countries.

RT1: Migration

Room F202
Chair: Kumiko TSUCHIDA (JSPS [Tohoku University])

1) Wenyang SU (Department of Sociology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong)
“The Marketized Identity: The Reform of China’s Hukou System and the Stratification of Floating Population”
2) Young Eun KIM (Keimyung University)
“Competing Nation-state and Migrants: Focused on Visa”
3) In Young CHOI (Department of Sociology, Graduate School of Sociology, Keimyung University)
“Guest and Stranger: Cultural Sociology’s Investigation on Korean Migrant Workers Policy”
4) Koji HORIUCHI (Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies, Waseda University)
“Contemporary Japanese Trans-national Business Migrants”
5) Seung Hoon BAEK (Graduate School of Sociology, Yonsei University)
“The Political Effect of Humanitarian Discourse about North Korean Escape”
6) Kumiko TSUCHIDA (Japan Society for the Promotion of Science [Tohoku University])
“Preserving a Historical Ethnic Town with Multiethnic Groups: A Case Study of Redevelopment Process of Little Tokyo”

1)
“The Marketized Identity: The Reform of China’s Hukou System and the Stratification of
Floating Population”
Wenyang SU
(Department of Sociology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong)

[abstract]
This study shows how the acquisition mechanism of social rights for the floating population has transformed in reformed China and the intentions and potential consequences of this transformation. Borrowing ideas from “Market Transformation” and with examples of Shanghai and Shenzhen, I argue that, the acquisition mechanism of social rights for the floating population has been transformed from the “redistribution system”, under which the ascribed Hukou identity depending on where one is born serves as the only standard, to the “market system”, under which the social rights/Hukou are increasingly based on personal achievements, including one’s income, educational level and skills, though the local governments still enjoy the franchise of Hukou/social rights. With the critical role of local governments, it is also argued that this reformed but not abandoned Hukou system is not for the equalization of social rights but for the further economic development by entitling the social rights/Hukou to high-quality migrants and denying them to the others who are mostly ill-educated or unskillful but still necessary for more GDPs; it is not to fully prevent the social mobility as a barrier before the economic reform but to select the qualified and exclude the disqualified as a filter, which is the new function of the Hukou system under the economic reform. With these findings, different feedbacks under the market transformation from the floating population are identified. I limit my discussion to an examination of the controversial policies of the Offsite College Entrance Examination (Yi Di Gao Kao). Based on my fieldwork in Beijing and Shanghai, I notice that socioeconomic status plays an essential role in the attitudes and behavior to the policies and related social struggles. Migrants with a relative high socioeconomic status usually choose to “purchase” the social rights/Hukou offered, which enable them to take the Examination in the flow-in areas, and hold a negative attitude to the social struggles for equal rights. Migrants at the lower end of the socioeconomic hierarchy are largely excluded by “the social rights market”, which makes most of them send their children back and indifferent to the related struggles. Migrants in the middle are usually close to the standard but still cannot afford the social rights. The discrepancies between their dreams and the reality therefore make them turn to, and make up the main body of, the social struggles. Thus, the intentions of the policy transformation are being realized through differentiating the floating population. What’s more, despite the social struggles for equal rights, the marketization process widens the gaps among the migrants, turns down the strength of the related social struggles, consolidates the internal stratification of China’s floating population, and leaved the problem of equalization unsolved even after thirty years of reform.

2)
“Competing Nation-state and Migrants: Focused on Visa”
Young Eun KIM
(Keimyung University)

[abstract]
A large proportion of the visa in Korea society is H-2(working visit), E-9(employment permit system) and F-2/F-6(married migration). In this article, I inquire nation-state’s policy according to each visa, consider corresponding each people’s life. Migrants not conform the policy as legal or illegal ways. They have their life crossing nation-state’s policy. Through specific cases, I study how does visa affect migrants and how they use cultural resources.

3)
“Guest and Stranger: Cultural Sociology’s Investigation on Korean Migrant Workers Policy”
In Young CHOI
(Department of Sociology, Graduate School of Sociology, Keimyung University)

[abstract]
This dissertation is an endeavor to highlight migrant workers in Korea from the perspective of the sociology of strangers. Simmel, who first articulated the sociology of strangers, defines the stranger as a being that creates ambiguous situations by synthesizing the relationship of nearness and remoteness. Simmel views the stranger as a being that cannot leave the territory in which he resides and yet cannot stay firmly rooted there because he has no homeland to return to and no future territory into which he can advance.
But such Simmelian strangeness is not limited to certain ethnic groups such as the Jewish but rather applies to all modern men since modern science completely banished the Transcendent Being that had used to provide guidance in life and market society deconstructed local communities. In that sense, the modern is a world of strangers who were socially uprooted from traditional local communities and culturally lost the connection with the Transcendent Being. Suddenly, living traditional life became absurd and meaningless, which brought chaos into the world.
The nation-state rose to the surface as a solution to this ‘problem of meaning.’ The nation-state reembeds into the nation-state’s exclusive territory modern men disembedded from the Transcendent Being’s territory through the ‘process of territorialization’ that equates a specific territory with a specific national culture. The nation-state, at this time, more than simply gathered power at the institutional and material levels but gave back meaning in life to the modern man who has lost the meaning of life at the cultural level. In that sense, the modern nation-state can be said to have changed strangers into nationals by recreating a world full of meaning out of a meaningless world that has been disconnected from the Transcendent Being. Since the twenty-first century, however, rapid increase in transnational migration is transitioning nationals into strangers again by shaking the frame of the modern nation-state.

4)
“Contemporary Japanese Trans-national Business Migrants”
Koji HORIUCHI
(Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies, Waseda University)

[abstract]
My report will be concerning about “Contemporary Japanese trans-national business migrants”. I did fieldwork during 2009 and 2013, for interviewing over 130 business people who are entrepreneurs, Japanese enterprise executives, and their business-supporters in Shanghai, Shenzhen, and Beijing. I will report aspect and habitus which were commonly discovered from my informant’s emic narratives.
Previous migrant-researches mainly focused on “migrants from poor countries into rich countries”: many researches focused on “migrants from Caribbean countries to U.S.A”, “migrants from China to Japan”, etc. They migrate into rich country to get labor-wage. On the contrary, migrants of “expatriates” also exist, however, there are few researches on aspect of “expatriates”.
My focus is on “migrants from rich Japan into still developing China“, they are business entrepreneurs, defined as migrants of “expatriates”.
I will report, “Why did they leave rich society Japan and migrate into still developing China?”, “How have they get chances to launch their business in other country China”, “How have they struggle with cultural-conflict between Japan and China?”, “How can those who don’t have ability of Chinese language live in China?”
We can make a conceptual label, “Trans-nationalized people” from their emic narratives about their business and life: they are those who often go and back between their home-country and host-country; they are business creators who adjust themselves and their employees to fit home-country culture and host-country culture.
I also found a conceptual label, “Trans-nationalized city”. Some of them can’t speak Chinese, however, even such of them also “Enjoy Beijing Life”. They can enjoy Japanese gorgeous dishes, and they can enjoy Japanese TV programs every day. Chinese cities have also been transformed to be “Trans-nationalized cities” by cross-border people. Such trans-nationalized cities cultivate trans-nationalized people. From my informants, I found this interactive power.
My empirical research will give new knowledge to social-anthropology.

5)
“The Political Effect of Humanitarian Discourse about North Korean Escape”
Seung Hoon BAEK
(Graduate School of Sociology, Yonsei University)

[abstract]
Why is North Korean escape issue treated as humanitarian matter? This study examines the political effect of humanitarian discourse about North Korean escape. It is true that North Korean suffer during escape, However, the research question is still important in sociological sense.
It is basic premise of sociology that distinguishing between the thing and it’s representation. As feminism can exist after feminist distinguish between sex and gender, This research question can give us sociological explanation about current Korean, international politics. Especially, North Korean escape issue has been key indicator to understand political situation inside of South Korea, between North and South Korea. For example, North Korean escape has been called differently(spy, anti-communist hero etc) according to political situation.
This study analyze news articles, announcements, statements emerged around ‘2013 Laos North Korean refugees incident’. After this incident, South Korea government try to enact ‘North Korea Human rights law’, UN announce Human rights report. This study name overhaul statements emerged after this incident ‘Humanitarian discourse about North Korean escape’ as a unite system of meaning.
The problem of pre-research is ‘lumped actors’. They treat state as single actor. As a result, they cannot present mechanism of discourse making. They recognize the discourse simply political propaganda between states. To overcome this, this study specify actors.
Through this theoretical and methodological approach, the political effects of humanitarian discourse about North Korean escape are followed. the discourse consolidates political power of current ruling conservative party. The discourse makes anti-communism main political strategy of conservative political group justifiable. Recalled anti-communism gives older generations base to overcome their cultural crisis. North Korea is being produced as another ‘third world.’ In this context the discourse appeal to young Korean generation who doesn’t internalized anti-communism.

6)
“Preserving a Historical Ethnic Town with Multiethnic Groups: A Case Study of Redevelopment Process of Little Tokyo”
Kumiko TSUCHIDA
(Japan Society for the Promotion of Science [Tohoku University])

[abstract]
How can historical town for a particular ethnic group be preserved while co-existing with different ethnic groups at the same time? This paper studies the redevelopment process of Little Tokyo, Los Angeles.
Little Tokyo in Los Angeles is one of the three official ethnic towns of Japanese Americans in U.S. It has witnessed how Japanese American attempts to preserve their historical memory. Yet, the recent changes, which became notable since the turn of 21st century, have made Little Tokyo existed as a cross-cultural place that more non-Japanese American groups of people move in, such as Korean American residents and business owners as well as Japanese nationals. The demographic change clearly shows that Little Tokyo has different characters besides preserving and passing on Japanese American history to next generation. The case of Little Tokyo addresses a question that how preservation of historical ethnic town and co-existence of different groups with different ethnic background with different interests can be compatible.
With this question, this study analyzes how the community organizations have attempted to build Little Tokyo as a Japanese American historical town with multiethnic character. Findings from interviews with community organizations and participatory observations, the community organizations established the council to discuss and share different groups’ interests. This study contributes to understanding the complexities when meaning of ethnic history and ethnic relations among different groups is contested.